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Cyberspace Privacy: A Primer and
Proposal
By Jerry Kang
Human ingenuity has provided us a great gift,
cyberspace. This blooming network of computing-communication technologies is quickly
changing the world and our behavior in it. Already, it has become cliché to catalog
cyberspaces striking benefits, its endless possibilities. But great gifts often come
with a great price. Congress thinks that the price will be sexual purity due to easy
access to pornography. Industry thinks it will be our economy due to easy copying of
Hollywoods and Silicon Valleys programs. I worry that it will be our privacy.
When I mention "privacy," lawyers naturally think
of privacy as used in the historic case, Roe v. Wade. Others think of the privacy
of their own homes and backyards, largely in territorial terms. I use "privacy"
differently. Instead of emphasizing privacy in a decisional or spatial sense, I mean it in
an information sense. Information privacy is an individuals claim to control the
terms under which personal information is acquired, disclosed, and used.
My thesis is that cyberspace threatens information privacy
in extraordinary ways, and without much thought or collective deliberation, we may be in
the process of surrendering our privacy permanently as we enter the next century.
Why Care About Privacy?
Some people do not understand what the big deal is
about privacy. They assume that privacy is important only for those who have something to
hide. This view is misguided. Let me articulate why individuals should enjoy meaningful
control over the acquisition, disclosure, and use of their personal information.
Use of personal data.
Personal data are often misused. For example, personal data
can be used to commit identity theft, in which an impostor creates fake financial
accounts, runs up enormous bills, and disappears leaving only a wrecked credit report
behind. Personal data, such as home addresses and telephone numbers, can be used to harass
and stalk. Personal data, such as ones sexual orientation, can be used to deny
employment because of unwarranted prejudice.
Disclosure of personal data.
Sometimes, even if such data will not be "used"
against us, its mere disclosure may lead to embarrassment. In any culture, certain
conditions are embarrassing even when they are not blameworthy. Take impotency for
example. In most cases, impotency will not affect whether one receives a job, a loan, or a
promotion. In this sense, the data will not be misused in the allocation of rewards and
opportunities. However, the mere disclosure of this medical condition would cause intense
embarrassment for most men.
In addition to causing embarrassment, the inability to
control the disclosure of personal data can hamper the building of intimate relationships.
We construct many intimacies not only by sharing experiences but also by sharing secrets
about ourselves, details not broadcast to a mass audience. If we have information privacy,
we can regulate the outflow of such private information to others. By reducing this flow
to a trickle (for example, to your boss), we maintain aloofness; by releasing a more
telling stream (for example, to your former college roommate living afar) we invite and
affirm intimacy. If anyone could find out anything about us, secrets would lose their
ability to help construct intimacy.
Acquisition of personal data.
Finally, consider the fact that personal information is
acquired by observing who we are and what we do. When such observation is nonconsensual
and extensive, we have what amounts to surveillance, which is in tension with human
dignity. Human beings have dignity because they are moral personsbeings capable of
self-determination, with the capacity to reflect upon and choose personal and political
projects. Extensive, undesired observation interferes with this exercise of choice because
we act differently when we are being watched. Simply put, surveillance leads to
self-censorship. When we do not want to be surveilled, it disrespects our dignity to
surveil us nonetheless, unless some important social justification exists. This insult to
individual dignity has social ramifications. It chills out-of-the-mainstream behavior. It
corrodes private experimentation and reflection. It threatens to leave us with a bland,
unoriginal polity, characterized by excessive conformity.
The Difference That Cyberspace Makes
So now that we know why privacy matters, we must ask
what difference does cyberspace make? My claim is that cyberspace makes broad societal
surveillance possible and, if we do nothing, likely. To see the greater threat that
cyberspace poses, imagine the following two visits to a mallone in real space, the
other in cyberspace.
In real space, you drive to a mall, walk its corridors,
peer into numerous shops, and stroll through the aisles of inviting stores. You walk into
a bookstore and flip through a few magazines. Finally, you stop at a clothing store and
buy a friend a scarf with a credit card. In this narrative, numerous persons interact with
you and collect information along the way. For instance, while walking through the mall,
fellow visitors visually collect information about you, if for no other reason than to
avoid bumping into you. But such information is general, e.g., it does not pinpoint the
geographical location and time of the sighting, is not in a format that can be processed
by a computer, is not indexed to your name or any unique identifier, and is impermanent,
residing in short-term human memory. You remain a barely noticed stranger. One important
exception is the credit card purchase.
By contrast, in cyberspace, the exception becomes the norm:
Every interaction may soon be like the credit card purchase. The best way to grasp this
point is to take seriously, if only for a moment, the metaphor that cyberspace is an
actual place, a virtual reality. In this alternate universe, you are invisibly stamped
with a bar code as soon as you venture outside your home. There are entities called
"road providers" (your Internet Service Provider), who supply the streets and
ground you walk on, who track precisely where, when, and how fast you traverse the lands,
in order to charge you for your wear on the infrastructure. As soon as you enter the
cyber-malls domain, the mall tracks you through invisible scanners focused on your
bar code. It automatically records which stores you visit, which windows you browse, in
which order, and for how long. The specific stores collect even more detailed data when
you enter their domain. For example, the cyber-bookstore notes which magazines you
skimmed, recording which pages you have seen and for how long, and notes the pattern, if
any, of your browsing. It notes that you picked up a health magazine featuring an article
on Viagra, read for seven minutes a newsweekly detailing a politicians sex scandal,
and flipped ever-so-quickly through a tabloid claiming that Elvis lives. Of course,
whenever any item is actually purchased, the store, as well as the credit, debit, or
virtual cash company that provides payment through cyberspace, takes careful notes of what
you boughtin this case, a silk scarf, red, expensive, a week before Valentines
Day.
All these data generated in cyberspace are detailed,
computer-processable, indexed to the individual, and permanent. While the mall example may
not concern data that appear especially sensitive, the same extensive data collection can
take place as we travel through other cyberspace domainsfor instance, to research
health issues and politics; to communicate to friends, businesses, and the government; and
to pay our bills and manage our finances. Moreover, the data collected in these various
domains can be aggregated to produce telling profiles of who we are, as revealed by what
we do and with whom we associate. The very technology that makes cyberspace possible also
makes detailed, cumulative, invisible observation of ourselves possible. One need only
sift through the click streams generated by our cyber-activity.
It turns out that few laws limit what can be done with this
data collected in cyberspace. Unlike Europe, the United States has no omnibus privacy law
covering the private sectors processing of personal information. Instead, U.S. law
features a legal patchwork that regulates different types of personal information in
different ways, depending on how it is acquired, by whom, and how it will be used. To be
sure, there are numerous statutes that govern specific sectors, such as consumer credit,
education, cable programming, electronic communications, videotape rentals, motor vehicle
records, and the recently enacted Childrens Online Privacy Protection Act. But it
turns out that in toto, information collectors can largely do what they want.
The Market Solution
Let me restate the problem. All cyber-activity, even
simply browsing a Webpage, involves a "transaction" between an individual and
potential information collectors. These collectors not only include the counterparty to
the transaction but also intermediaries (transaction facilitators) that support the
electronic communications (telephone company, cable company, Internet service provider)
and sometimes payment (credit card company, electronic cash company). In these
transactions, personal information is inevitably generated as either necessary or
incidental by-products. Privacy enthusiasts insist that the individual owns this data;
information collectors vigorously disagree. What shall be done?
Perhaps the market might solve the problem. One might
reasonably view personal information as a commodity, whose pricing and consumption can and
should be governed by the laws of supply and demand. Through offers and counteroffers
between individual and information collector, the market will move the correctly priced
personal data to the party that values it most. Economists love this approach because it
appears to be economically efficient. The private sector loves this approach because it
staves off regulation. Regulators love this approach for the same reason in the current
antiregulatory environment.
The problem is that in practice, individuals and
information collectors do not negotiate express privacy contracts before engaging in each
transaction. Although privacy notices have become more frequent on Webpages, it is a
stretch to say that there is a "meeting of the minds" on privacy terms each time
an individual browses a Webpage. What is necessary, then, is a clear articulation of the
default rules governing personal data collected in a cyberspace transaction, when parties
have not agreed explicitly otherwise.
There are two default rules that society might
realistically adopt. First, there is the status quos "plenary" default
rule: Unless the parties agree otherwise, the information collector may process the
personal data anyway it likes. Second, there is the "functionally necessary"
default rule: Unless the parties agree otherwise, the information collector may process
the personal data only in functionally necessary ways. This rule allows the information
collector to process personal data on a need-only basis to complete the transaction in
which the information was originally collected.
A one-size-fits-all default rule is efficient for some
transactions but inefficient for others. Those parties for whom the default is inefficient
will either contract around the rule"flip"or they will
"stick" with the rule and accept the inefficiencies. Thus, the social cost of a
default rule equals the sum of the transaction costs of contracting around the
rulethe flip cost"plus the inefficiency cost of not contracting
around the rule even when it would be more efficient to do sothe "stick
cost." We seek the rule that minimizes social costs.
If we implement the plenary rule, most parties will stick
because it is hard for a consumer to flip out of the default rule. First, she would face
substantial research costs to determine what information is being collected and how it is
used. That is because individuals today are largely clueless about how personal
information is processed through cyberspace. Sometimes, they are deceived by the
information collectors themselves, as the Federal Trade Commission recently charged
against the Internet Service Provider, Geocities. Second, the individual would run into a
collective action problem. Realistically, the information collector would not entertain
one persons idiosyncratic request to purchase back personal information because the
costs of administering such an individually tailored program would be prohibitive.
Therefore, to make it worth the firms while, the individual would have to band
together with other like-minded individuals to renegotiate the privacy terms of the
underlying transaction. These individuals would suffer the collective action costs of
locating each other, then coming to a mutually acceptable proposal to deliver to the
information collector, all the while discouraging free riders.
By contrast, the "functionally necessary" rule
would not be sticky at all. With this default, if the firm valued personal data more than
the individual, then the firm would have to buy permission to process the data in
functionally unnecessary ways. Note, however, two critical differences in contracting
around this default. First, unlike the individual who has to find out how information is
processed, the collector need not bear such research costs since it already knows what its
information practices are. Second, the collector does not confront collective action
problems. It need not seek out other like-minded firms and reach consensus before coming
to the individual with a request. This is because an individual would gladly entertain an
individualized, even idiosyncratic, offer to purchase personal information.
Now, the task is to compare the costs of the equilibrium
generated by each default rule. For the "plenary" equilibrium, the cost of the
default rule is approximately the stick cost because few parties will flip. By contrast,
for the "functionally necessary" equilibrium, the cost of the default rule is
approximately the flip cost; almost all parties who care to flip will flip. Which cost is
higher? We lack the data to be confident in our answer. However, we do know that given how
seriously many individuals feel about their privacy, the stick cost of the plenary rule
will not be trivial. Many individuals who care deeply about their privacy will not be able
to get it. By contrast, the flip cost of the functionally necessary rule will be small
because cyberspace makes communications cheap. The information collector can ask in a
simple dialog box whether the individual will allow some unnecessary use of personal data,
in exchange for some benefit. What is more, this inequality will increase over time. As
information processing becomes more sophisticated, people will feel less in control of
their personal information; accordingly they will value control more (making the cost of
"sticking" greater). Simultaneously, the cost of communication will decrease as
cyberspace improves (making the cost of "flipping" less).
In conclusion, I think it is more likely than not that a
functionally necessary rule will be less costly to society than the plenary rule we
currently have. Putting economic efficiency aside, the functionally necessary rule also
better respects human dignity by respecting an individuals desire not to be
surveilled.
A Modest Proposal
Congress should adopt a Cyberspace Privacy Act (the
"Act"), that implements the "functionally necessary" default rule for
all personal information collected in cyberspace. This rule is more efficient and more
respectful of human dignity. Parties are, of course, free to contract around the default
rule. The full proposed statute is available online at http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/kang/scholars,
but here is a quick summary:
First, a person who acquires personal data in the
course of a cyberspace transaction must provide clear notice about what will be done with
that information.
Second, a person will not process personal
information in a manner functionally unnecessary to the transaction without the prior
consent of the individual.
Third, an individual will have reasonable access to
and rights of correction of personal data.
Fourth, personal data that is no longer functionally
necessary to the cyberspace transaction will be generally destroyed unless there is some
legitimate pending request or the individual has given consent otherwise.
Fifth, if compelled by court order or a dire
emergency to the individuals own welfare, personal data may be disclosed as
necessary.
Finally, a person who violates this Act may be sued
in federal court for civil damages. Moreover, the Federal Trade Commission will have
administrative authority to enforce the Act.
Politically moderate, the proposed legislation should enjoy
broad appeal. The private sector should not oppose the Act because it does not choke off
electronic commerce in cyberspace. Although the Act constrains certain forms of
advertising based on detailed data collection, and the sharing of data with third parties,
these constraints can be lifted simply by obtaining the customers consent. Moreover,
the Cyberspace Privacy Act would promote consumer confidence inand thereby
encourage electronic commerce. Multinational corporations working in Europe might
have an independent reason to accept the Act. By applying the Act to data received from
the European Union, these corporations could credibly assert that they have begun to adopt
adequate privacy protections necessary to maintain transborder flows under the recent
European Union Data Protection Directive. Finally, the Act does not violate the First
Amendment. In structure, the proposed Act does not differ materially from the privacy
provisions of the Cable Act or the Video Privacy Protection Act. Neither act has been
successfully challenged on First Amendment grounds.
Conclusion
A vision protective of information privacy in
cyberspace will be singularly hard to maintain. Cyberspaces essence is the
processing of information in ways and at speeds unimaginable just years ago. To retard
this information processing juggernaut in the name of privacy seems antitechnology, even
antiprogress. It cuts against the hackneyed cyber-proclamation that information wants to
be free. Nevertheless, this intentional application of friction to personal information
flows is warranted. If profit-seeking organizations are instituting such friction in the
name of intellectual property, individuals should not be chastised for doing the same in
the name of privacy.
Historically, privacy issues have been an afterthought.
Technology propels us forward, and we react to the social consequences only after the
fact. But the amount of privacy we retain isto use a decidedly low-tech
metaphora one-way ratchet. Once we ratchet privacy down, it will be extraordinarily
difficult to get it back. More disturbingly, after a while, we might not mind so much. It
may dawn on us too late that privacy should have been saved along the way.
Jerry Kang is a law professor at UCLA, where he teaches
courses in Civil Procedure, Communications Law and Policy, Cyberspace Privacy, and Asian
American Jurisprudence. This article draws from his most recent publication, "Information
Privacy in Cyberspace Transactions," 50 Stan. L. Rev. 1193-1294 (1998).
He can be reached at http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/kang, or kang@law.ucla.edu. |