
Discrimination Against Women
and the Roots of Global Terrorism
By Tom Lantos
In
her historic radio address to the nation on November 17, 2001, First
Lady Laura Bush eloquently stated that "the fight against terrorism
is also a fight for the rights and dignity of women," noting that
"the brutal oppression of women is a central goal of the terrorists."
The events of September 11 focused the
world’s attention on the medieval brutality of the Taliban and, more
specifically, on its policy of gender apartheid in Afghanistan. Under
the Taliban, Afghan women suffered what Amnesty International has called
a "catastrophic assault on their human rights." According
to the U.S. Department of State, that assault included edicts barring
women from employment; forbidding their movement outside the home without
a male escort; strict enforcement of a draconian dress code requiring
that women wear head-to-toe burqas at all times; a ban on female education;
and a virtual restriction on access to even basic healthcare. All of
these policies were brutally enforced by the Taliban’s Ministry for
the Promotion of Virtue and the Suppression of Vice (PVSV), which administered
lashings and public beatings to errant women. The searing images captured
by a clandestine cameraman of an Afghan executioner holding a burqa-clad
woman at gunpoint in a Kabul stadium as Taliban loyalists looked on
symbolized the murderous repression of women that had befallen Afghanistan.
With the defeat of the Taliban, and at
the insistence of the international community, women’s lives are slowly
returning to historical norms in Afghanistan. The transitional government
of Hamid Karzai has made the restoration of women’s rights a priority,
and has established a Ministry of Women’s Affairs. Women claimed 10
percent of the seats in the recent "loya jirga," or grand
assembly. This is remarkable progress, and it demonstrates the power
of united international pressure to end gender discrimination.
Unfortunately, the deplorable condition
of women in Taliban-ruled Afghanistan was not an isolated case. As President
Bush has said, a "central goal of the terrorists is the brutal
oppression of women—and not only the women of Afghanistan." As
we seek to address the conditions that bred the September 11 terrorists,
it is critical to remember that the Taliban’s medieval social system
of gender oppression was not something they dreamed up on their own.
In fact, "gender apartheid"—the harsh political, legal, and
economic segregation of women—was adopted, in large part, from Saudi
Arabia, home of the original PVSV.
Gender apartheid in Saudi Arabia, although
perhaps not quite as severe as the version imposed by the Taliban, is
nevertheless brutal and dehumanizing. According to Human Rights Watch,
"women in Saudi Arabia face pervasive discrimination, ranging from
strictly enforced gender segregation in public places—including schools,
universities, and the workplace—to unequal legal status with men in
matters relating to marriage, divorce, and child custody." The
State Department’s annual report on human rights for 2001 sums up the
situation as follows:
. . . [W]omen have few political or social
rights and are not treated as equal members of society. There are
no active women’s rights groups. Women legally may not drive motor
vehicles and are restricted in their use of public facilities when
men are present. Women must enter city buses by separate rear entrances
and sit in specially designated sections. Women risk arrest by the
Mutawwa’in (religious police) for riding in a vehicle driven by a
male who is not an employee or close male relative. Women are not
admitted to a hospital for medical treatment without the consent of
a male relative. By law and custom women may not undertake domestic
or foreign travel alone.
Similar systems of gender apartheid exist
in the countries where Al Qaeda recruits the majority of its foot soldiers,
including the Gulf States, Algeria, Yemen, and Sudan. The subjugation
of women in these states seems to fulfill a dual purpose. First, it
reinforces the control of existing elites by imposing uniform codes
of behavior. But just as importantly, it bestows false legitimacy on
inept authoritarian rulers by demonstrating their active rejection of
Western values and diverting attention from pressing socioeconomic problems
afflicting their people.
The Bush administration has yet to develop
a strategy to pressure corrupt extremist regimes to grant basic rights
to women and enable them to choose how to exercise those rights. Empowering
women is critical to promoting democracy, which is imperative if we
are to defeat terrorism. Absent a diplomatic offensive aimed at securing
democracy and human rights for the downtrodden in the Middle East and
beyond, our military victory in Afghanistan could prove hollow.
Not only has President Bush shied away
from pressing the women’s rights agenda beyond Afghanistan, he has turned
a blind eye to U.S. business practices that aid and abet gender apartheid
in Saudi Arabia and elsewhere. Today, U.S. investment continues to support
gender segregation across the region. For example, U.S. retailers doing
business in Saudi Arabia—Kentucky Fried Chicken, McDonald’s, Burger
King, Saks Fifth Avenue, and even the socially progressive firm Starbuck’s—enforce
laws and customs that dehumanize women. When Saudi women arrive at these
U.S. businesses, they are barred from entering unless they arrive in
the company of a male relative. Once inside, they are shuttled into
separate but unequal "family sections" that, in the case of
Starbuck’s, do not even have seats.
These practices offend American values,
but are sadly seen as the price of doing business in Saudi Arabia. What
is even more appalling is the apparent willingness of U.S. corporations
with operations in Saudi Arabia—ExxonMobil, ChevronTexaco, Boeing, Proctor
& Gamble, Citibank, Philip Morris, and others—to extend gender discrimination
to their own hiring practices. By conforming to local customs requiring
separate work areas for male and female employees and limiting their
face-to-face interaction, thus reinforcing gender apartheid, these American
corporations are needlessly handicapping their own business operations.
Ultimately, these inefficiencies lead them to favor men over women in
hiring, perpetuating the subjugation of the latter. Denying qualified
women equal employment opportunity in U.S. businesses is simply intolerable.
In the mid-1980s, the United States led
the world in confronting racial apartheid in South Africa. Reverend
Leon Sullivan of Philadelphia developed principles that required U.S.
companies to challenge racial laws, provide equal pay for equal work,
and offer training to enable them to bring blacks into management positions.
Within four years of implementation of the Sullivan Principles, the
number of black South Africans who held technical positions with American
companies jumped from a token few to over 10,000.
It is time to develop a set of similar
principles, focused on gender apartheid, for Western companies to follow
when they do business in Saudi Arabia and other countries that systematically
discriminate against women. Congress should also consider imposing restrictions
on U.S. companies with investments and operations in countries that
practice gender discrimination to confront the system in the same way
that the Anti-Apartheid Act (enacted over President Ronald Reagan’s
veto) confronted racial apartheid in South Africa.
As a recent article in USA Today
pointed out, U.S. financial leverage in Saudi Arabia is substantial.
U.S. firms provide 40 percent of the forty-five billion dollars in annual
foreign direct investment there. It is morally incumbent on us to use
this leverage to pressure Saudi Arabia and other states practicing gender
apartheid to reform.
The Bush administration also should use
all available bilateral and multilateral diplomatic levers to push for
immediate reforms in all states practicing gender apartheid. In pressing
for reforms in all of these states, we should accept nothing short of
the benchmarks for women’s political participation and for legal protections
of women’s basic human rights that we are insisting on in Afghanistan.
In this regard, one diplomatic tool we should grasp is the Convention
for the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, both by adhering
to it ourselves and pressing others to do so as well.
Years before the terrorist attacks of September
11, Eleanor Smeal and the Feminist Majority argued that the Taliban’s
brutal suppression of women in Afghanistan and the growing oppression
of women in other Muslim countries was a sign of exploding fanaticism
that could lead to attacks on the West. Their prophecy haunts us still.
We can no longer afford to deny this growing threat. We cannot defeat
the evil and hatred that drives the terrorists until we stand firmly
against the brutal and unjust system of gender apartheid.
Tom Lantos (D-Cal.) is the ranking Democrat
on the House International Relations Committee. He is also co-founder
of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus.